The lives of the unconverted captives could be spared if they pay a
tribute to the Muslims: “Fight those who do not profess the true faith
till they pay the jiziya [poll tax] with the hand of humility.” (9:29)
That Islam sees the world as an open-ended conflict between the Land of
Peace (Dar al-Islam) and the Land
of War (Dar al-Harb), which must be conquered by jihad, is the most
important bequest of Muhammad to his heirs. That “Allah is great, there
is no God but Allah, and Muhammad is his messenger” was easily grasped
by the coarse nomads of the desert, especially when the celestial reward
was preceded by the tangible earthly loot divinely sanctioned. Charles
Manson had met John Gotti; the results were phenomenal.
JIHAD, war in the path of Allah with the objective of converting,
killing, or else subjugating and taxing the “infidel,” is Muhammad’s
most significant single contribution to the world history. It defined
Islam in its earliest days, it has defined the relations between Islam and
other religions and cultures ever since, and it continues to define the
mindset of Islam today. Muhammad’s followers and successors were
accustomed to living by pillage and the exploitation of settled
populations. Islam provided a powerful ideological justification for this
mindset, a justification inherently global in scope and totalitarian in
nature.
The view of modern Islamic activists, that “Islam must rule the world
and until
Islam does rule the world we will continue to sacrifice our lives,”
has been solidly rooted in traditional Islam ever since the early divine
sanction of violence that came to Muhammad in Medina: “O Prophet! Rouse
the Believers to the fight,” the Kuran orders, and promises that twenty
Muslims, “patient and persevering,” would vanquish two hundred
unbelievers; if a hundred, they will vanquish a thousand. (8:65) Allah
further orders the faithful to fight the unbelievers and be firm with
them, (9:123) “and slay them wherever ye catch them.” (2:191) The end
of the fight is possible only when “there prevail justice and faith in
Allah”—everywhere. (2:193)
Muhammad made Islam different from Judaism and Christianity in creating
the foundations for a theocratic universal state with unlimited
aspirations. From his second year in Medina on, Islam combined
the dualism of a universal religion and a universal state and became
“Islam’s instrument for carrying out its ultimate objective by turning
all people into believers.” Muhammad postulated the fundamental
illegitimacy of the existence of a non-Muslim world. Jihad did not
necessarily mean permanent fighting, but it did mean a permanent state of
war. Only after the universal Islamic Empire is established, the notion of
an “inner” jihad—one’s personal fight against his sinful
desires—may come into play. “My livelihood is under the shade of my
spear,” from booty and poll tax, Muhammad declared, and the faithful
followed his example. They could contemplate tactical ceasefires, but
never its complete abandonment short of the unbelievers’ abject
submission. This is the real meaning of Jihad. (4:76)
The conquered peoples were “protected persons” only if they
submitted to Islamic domination by a “Contract”
(Dhimma), paid poll tax—jizya—and land tax—haraj—to their
masters. The resulting inequality of rights in
all domains between Muslims and dhimmis steadily eroded the non-Muslim
communities, but in this age of victimology the persecution of Christians
by Muslims has become a taboo subject in the Western academe. 13 centuries
of discrimination, suffering and death of countless millions, have been
covered by the myth of Islamic “tolerance.”
On its own admission Islam stands or falls with the person of Muhammad,
a deeply flawed man by the standards of his own society, as well as those
of the Old and New Testaments, both of which he acknowledged as divine
revelation; and even by the new law, of which he claimed to be the
divinely appointed medium and custodian.
The problem of Islam, and the problem of the rest of the world with
Islam, is not the remarkable career of Muhammad per se, undoubtedly a
“great man” in terms of his impact on human history. It is the
religion’s claim that the words and acts of its prophet provide the
universally valid standard of morality as such, for all time and all men.
The cartoon controversy confirms the validity of Bat Ye’or’s
warning (in 1993) that no “Europeanization” of Islam is on the horizon
anywhere: there is no move or gesture that would be expressed in “a
self-critical view of the history of Islamic imperialism, an acceptance of
the principle of equality between Muslims and non-Muslims, a retroactive
recognition of the rights of the peoples decimated and degraded by the
system of dhimmitude, and an attitude of moral humility—a necessary
stage on the path toward reconciliation between peoples. We are light
years away from such a development.”
The experience of France last
November and Denmark today raises the issue that America, too, ought
to ponder: how far is a receiving country expected to go in order to
accommodate the religious, moral, and political demands of often
unassimilable and hostile immigrants? And why should it do any such thing
at all? A further question (courtesy of Chilton Williamson) is where
exactly one-billion-plus members of the biggest cult on earth get off
telling the rest of us their “prophet” must not be criticized under
pain of death: “It is, of course, an insane position. Has any other
‘religion’ in the history of the world made such a claim? Not to my
knowledge anyway.”
Our judgment on Muhammad rests on evidence of his followers and
faithful admirers—and those who rage against the Danish cartoons can
scarcely complain if, even on such evidence, the verdict of the civilized
world goes against their “prophet.”
That verdict, once it is passed—and it will be passed—will make the
gentle mockery of Muhammad in those cartoons appear as inappropriate as it
would be inappropriate today to lampoon Adolf Hitler for his
out-of-wedlock trysts with Fräulein Braun, or for his inability to
control flatulence.
Srdja
Trifkovic