|modify these perfectly clear declarations.
“When they speak about jihad, they may speak clumsily and mix
up the various stages, distorting the whole concept of jihad in an
effort to use the Qur’anic text to establish general principles and
rules for which there exist no justification.
This is because they regard every verse of the Qur’an as if it
were the final principle of the din.
This group of thinkers, which is a product of the sorry state of
the present Muslim generation, has nothing but the label of Islam, and
has laid down its spiritual and rational arms in defeat.
They say, ‘Islam has prescribed only defensive war’ and think
they have done some good for their faith by divesting it of its
Jihad is arguably the secret of Islam’s “glory” and the key to
its past success; thus, its laws must remain permanently in place until
Islam has destroyed all obstacles in its quest for universal sovereignty
and domination. “Since the
objective of Islam is a decisive declaration of man’s freedom, not
merely on the philosophical plane but also in the actual life, it must
employ jihad. It is
immaterial whether the homeland of Islam – in the true Islamic sense, dar
al Islam – is in a condition of peace or whether it is threatened
by its neighbors. When Islam
calls for peace, its objective is not a superficial peace requiring only
that the part of the earth where the followers of Islam are residing
remain secure. The peace of
Islam means that din (i.e., the law of society) be purified for
Allah, that all people should obey Allah alone, and every system that
permits some people to rule over others be abolished.”
The laws of jihad cover the entire relationship between Muslims and
non-Muslims and it admits only two such relationships, non-Muslims must
either accept Islamic domination, or they must fight, since Muslims
cannot accept peace on any other terms.
Islamic thought divides the world into only two great camps, the dar
al Islam, the
and the dar al harb, the land of war.
Within the dar al Islam, other religions are allowed to
exist, but only under the strict laws of dhimmitude that are
derived from the laws of jihad.
The people who have surrendered to Muslim conquest, but retain their
native religion (so long as they are not “idol worshippers or those
who do not have a Sacred Book or something that could have been a
are referred to as dhimmis.
They live under the “protection” of Islamic law and must be
obedient to it, though they may retain their own religious laws and
must pay the jizya or poll tax to the Muslim state, “must be
distinguished from Muslims in dress; may not build higher or as high as
Muslim buildings; are forbidden to openly display wine or pork, to ring
Church bells or display crosses, recite the Torah or Evangel aloud, or
make public display of funerals and feastdays; and are forbidden to
build new churches.”
The contract of protection is also violated if a dhimmi
“commits adultery with a Muslim woman or marries her; conceals spies
of hostile forces; leads a Muslim away from Islam; kills a Muslim; or
mentions something impermissible about Allah, the Prophet, or Islam.”
In that case, the dhimmi’s status reverts to that of
prisoner of war and he may be killed, sold into slavery, ransomed or
released at the pleasure of the caliph,
who traditionally ruled as king and “Pope” at once.
Rendering the non-Muslim well nigh helpless under the Islamic system
is the law stating that no dhimmi may bear testimony in an
Islamic court against a Muslim. Dhimmis
in general may not hold any position of authority over Muslims.
Furthermore, dhimmis may not arm themselves, nor appeal to
any outside power for aid. The
Turkish Armenian Christians made the mistake of appealing to the British
in the years before they were liquidated following World War I.
The draconian nature of Islamic law toward non-Muslims goes a long
way in explaining how a small minority of Muslim conquerors could, over
the centuries, become a ruling majority in lands once occupied by
thriving populations of Christians, Jews and Hindus.
The pressure on these populations to either convert or emigrate
Qutb lived during a time when communist influence
was at its height. Referring
to Islam as a political party he writes, “In the world there is only
one party of Allah; all others are parties of Satan and rebellion.”
The “community of believers,” or umma, is thus an
elite group of “insiders” – a ruling class predicated on
membership in, and loyalty to, a political religion.
The Islamic Party would thus function in much the same way as
National Socialists in
or the Communist Party in
functioned. There is a
“Party of Allah” currently vying for power in democratic
A Muslim must have no loyalty except his loyalty to
fellow Muslims, nor has he a homeland except where Islamic law
loyalty to the nation-state must be secondary and even subordinate to
Muslim loyalty to other Muslims and to Islam.
Thus, when American Sergeant Hasan Akbar cried, “You guys are
coming into our countries, and you’re going to rape our women and kill
our children,” before lobbing a grenade into an army tent, killing two
officers and wounding fifteen servicemen in Kuwait on March 22, 2003,
he was talking about his fellow Muslims.
“Our countries,” did not refer to
, the land of his birth, but to Muslim lands.
Qutb quotes the Qur’an in which the notion of brotherhood is
defined in the negative:
You will not find the people
who believe in Allah and the Hereafter taking as allies the enemies of
Allah and His Prophet, whether they be their fathers or sons or brothers
or fellow tribesmen.
“Grouping according to family and tribe and nation, or race and
color and country, are residues of the primitive state of man.”
Under Islam, the “blood and soil” concepts of nationalism are
swept away. “Nationalism
here is belief, homeland here is dar-al-Islam, the ruler here is
Allah, and the constitution here is the Qur’an.”
The correct Islamic attitude toward the “outside world” is
one of unremitting hostility in which no compromise is possible.
Islam demands total world-revolution.
It cannot be circumscribed within certain territorial boundaries
and remain at peace with “outsiders.”
Nor can this revolution be brought about gradually, through only
“a little change in the established order. . . . The truth is, that
Islam not only changes concepts and attitudes, but also the system,
modes, laws, and customs since this change is so fundamental that no
relationship can remain with the jahili way of life, the life
mankind is now living. . . . If someone loves to deceive himself or to
deceive others by believing that Islam can be brought in line with this jahiliyyah,
it is up to him. But whether
this deception misleads others [into thinking they can live at peace
with Islam outside the Islamic system] or not, it cannot change anything
of actual reality. This is
not Islam, and the deceived are not Muslims.
Today a prime task of the Call to Islam is bringing these
ignorant people back to Islam and make them into Muslims all over
He goes on, “the chasm between Islam and jahiliyyah is
great, and a bridge is not to be built across it so that the people on
the two sides may mix with each other, but only so that the people of
jahiliyyah may come over to Islam.”
One of Qutb’s crucial “milestones along the road”
to world Islam became a reality when the mujahideen of Afghanistan,
including Osama bin Laden and other successors of the Muslim Brotherhood
including the Islamic scholar Shaykh Abdullah Azzam and Ayman al-Zawahiri,
created the government of the Taliban after their defeat of the Soviet
army and its communist puppet state.
This pure Islamic state was to be a model for the world that
would then spread all across the globe.
The actual reality of this extremely oppressive state has perhaps
underlined for moderate Muslims the fact that this archaic
Reliance of the Traveller, The Classic Manual of Islamic
Sacred Law by Ahmad ibn Naqib al Misri (d. 1368) Translated by Nuh
Ha Mim Keller (Amana Publications, Beltsville, Maryland, Revised
Edition, 1994) pg. 607
For a thorough discussion of dhimmitude, see Bat Ye’or’s, Islam
and Dhimmitude, (Fairleigh Dickinson University Press,
Qutb, Sayyid, Milestones (American Trust Publications,
Indianapolis, IN. 1990) pg. 101